Introduction:
The partisan landscape in independent Morocco has been marked by numerous cases of splits. This phenomenon, which has had causes standing behind it, has also had impacts on the Moroccan political life. These impacts have been mainly negative.
- Historical Background of the Phenomenon of Splits inside Moroccan Parties.
The Moroccan partisan landscape is said to be unique for the strength of the phenomenon of the splitting of Moroccan parties against each other. According to Ahmed Oueld Salem (2004), the phenomenon, which has marked the Moroccan political life, made its appearance as early as 1959, only three years after the independence of Morocco. Hence, in 1959 El Mahdi Ben Barka, Mohammed Lafqih El Bassri, Abdellah Ibrahim and Mahjoub Ben Saddik splitted against Al Istiqlal Party (PI) to form the National Union of Popular Forces (UNPF). Less than a decade later, another political party witnessed a split. In 1967 Democratic Constitutional Popular Movement (MPCD), which was led by Dr. Abdelkarim Elkhatib, split against (PM). This party remained like an empty shell for about three decades before it was filled by the Islamists of the Movement of Unity and Reform. The party then changed its name to the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). Then in 1972, Abderrahim Bouabid and Omar Benjelloun split, leaders of the leftist wing of the National Union of Popular Forces (UNPF), split against the party to establish the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USPF). Nine years later, Mohamed Arsalan Eljadidi split against Ahmed Osman’s National Rally of Independents (NRI) to establish the National Democratic Party (PND). In 1983, the Talia Socialist Democratic Party split against the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USPF). In 1991 Mahjoubi Aherdan split against his own party, Party of Popular Movement (MP), after being made to step down from the leadership of the party. So after Mhaned El Anser took over as Secretary General of the Popular Movement, Aherdan established a new party which came to be known as National Popular Movement (MNP). Four years later, Mahmoud Archan split against Aherdan’s (MNP) to form a new party that has been called Democratic Popular Movement (MDP). In 1996 Socialist Democratic Party (PDS), led by Abdessamad Belkbir and Issa Elwadghiri, split against Mohamed Ben Said Ait Idder’s Popular Democratic Labor Organization (OTDP). In 1997 Thami Elkhyari split against the Party of Progress and Socialism (PPS) to form the Front of Democratic Forces (FFD).
During the first three years of the reign of Mohamed VI, the phenomenon of splits continued to fragment the partisan landscape in Morocco. Thus in 2001, Authenticity and Development Party (PAD), led by Abderrahman El Kohen, split against the National Rally of Independents. In the same year, Noubir El Amaoui led the National Unionist Congress to split against (USFP). Another case of split took place again in the same year. The Party of Democratic Union split against Aherdan’s (MNP). The following year witnessed three cases of split; Mohamed Ben Hamou led the Party of National Initiative of Development to split against Aherdan’s (MNP). In March 2002, Najib Wazzani led the Ahd Party to split against (MNP) again. And a month later, Ahmed El Alami led the split of the Party of Environment and Development against the National Democratic Party.
However, the same year witnessed a movement in the opposite direction by some political parties; four leftist minor parties got unified to form one party that came to be called the Unified Leftist Socialist Party. These four political parties are the Organization of Democratic Popular Labor, the Movement for Democracy, Independent Democrats, and Independent Leftist Activists. This party, which was formed by unifying a number of political parties, was an exceptional case in the Moroccan partisan landscape. This action came as a result of the fear of some leftists that the Moroccan Left is waning in front of the conservative parties such as Al Istiqlal Party, and the Islamists of PJD. The union of these four leftist parties has been an attempt of endorse the Moroccan Left, which seemed to be losing ground.
- Causes of the Phenomenon of Splits in the Moroccan Political Parties.
Cases of splits in the Moroccan partisan landscape can be attributed in most cases to three reasons: ideological conflicts within the concerned parties, lack in democracy inside these parties, and the intervention of the Palace.
First, ideological conflicts within the concerned parties played a considerable role in bringing about splits of many parties. The split of (USFP) against the National Union of Popular Forces is a case in point. Before this split there was a strong need for strong political parties to represent the Left in Morocco. The Moroccan Communist Party and its heir (PPS) did not enjoy the strong presence in the Moroccan political life that (USFP) achieved. This case of split, therefore, can be considered constructive for Moroccan opposition.
Further, lack of democracy inside the concerned parties and conflicts for leadership played a similar role in fragmenting many political parties. The split of Aherdan’s (MNP) against (MP) is an example in this respect. Aherdan did not have a political agenda different from the Popular Movement at that time. His only problem was that Mhand El Ansar was elected head of the party in 1981. He therefore split against that party to be the leader of a new party. It is noteworthy in this respect that leadership of the majority of Moroccan parties does not change. Mhand El Ansar, for example, has been the secretary general of the Popular Movement since 1981. And Aherdan has also been head of the National Popular Movement since he established it in 1991.
In addition to this, the intervention of the Palace largely worsened the situation. The Palace’s aim behind his interventions was either to weaken some parties or to ‘punish’ their leaders for being ‘disobedient’. The split of the Socialist Democratic Party against the Organization of Democratic Popular Labor is a case in point. This split took place in 1996, the same year that witnessed the referendum about the Constitution of 1996. Mohamed Ben Said Ait Idder refused that Constitution and said that it does not the Moroccans’ aspirations for democracy. Anwal, the party’s newspaper at that time, said that the split of Elwadghiri’s camp had come as a result of the intervention of the Ministry of Interior as a punishment of (ODPL) for its attitude towards the Constitution.
- Effects of the Splits on the Moroccan Political Life
In general, this phenomenon has exerted a negative impact on the Moroccan Political Life. It has balkanized the partisan landscape, and weakened the political parties in front of the Palace. A major effect of this phenomenon is that legislative elections in Morocco will never lead any party of win a majority sufficient to form a government. Therefore, political parties always have to compromise coalitions in order to come up with a government. These coalitions are very often non-homogenous. Leftist USFP, for example, has to make a coalition of the Istiqlal Party, which has a conservative background, which results in governments without a clear political agenda. Under these circumstances, the Palace has got a vast margin to impose his own agenda on any coalition to lead the government. Also the Constitution strengthens the Monarch in front of whoever coalition that might come as the Parliament’s first power. The given circumstances have not served the interests of nationalist parties that have been struggling for democracy since the country earned its independence.
Furthermore, the balkanized partisan landscape has made the Moroccan public reluctant to participate in elections. It is hardly possible to see the difference between the political parties’ agendas, neither is it possible to see that rationale behind the existence of 37 political parties. As a result, the parliament that has come as a result of the last legislative elections does not have a sufficient electorate, which brings its representativity of the Moroccan people into question.
Conclusion
Splits of political parties are in fact a double-edged sword. They can solve problems inside parties and enrich the political landscape with more active parties. However, they can fragment political parties into meaningless pawns on the board of politics, which is very likely to promote despotism. Moroccan political parties, therefore, have to decrease the rate of splits by promoting partisan democracy. After all, if despotism is practiced inside political parties, it will be hypocritical to ask the Monarch to be more democratic.
Reference:
Ahmed Oueld Salem, October 03rd, 2004: http://www.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/E0C5596D-BAF7-4D4D-AAFD-C1E55BDBF93A.htm
